The government is moving with unstoppable momentum towards recognising a Palestinian state without a negotiated end to the conflict with Israel.
It is longstanding bipartisan Australian policy, and the policy of the Executive Council of Australian Jewry, to support the notion of two states for two peoples.
The United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, constituted by the UN to recommend a formula to end the conflict, reported in 1947 that:
“regardless of the origins of the conflict, the rights and wrongs, the Jews and Arabs are dissimilar in their ways of living and separated by political interests. Only by partition can these conflicting national aspirations find substantial expression and qualify both peoples as independent nations.”
The theory expressed here cannot be faulted, which is why it has long been embraced. But a theory with no capacity to be implemented is worthless.
If it were otherwise, the two-state solution would have become a reality in 1948, when Israel, having built the institutions of a democratic state, declared independence pursuant to the UN’s partition plan. Instead, it was rejected by the Arab side and opposed through invasion and civil war.
If it were possible, it would have become a reality once Egypt broke the Arab consensus on permanent war with Israel and made peace in 1979.
Instead, it spawned a massive diplomatic and political campaign by the Palestinians, still with us today, to topple Israel through international isolation.
If it were possible, it would have happened during the Oslo Process, which established the Palestinian Authority, confined the conflict to five core issues and presented a roadmap to peace. Instead, this collapsed into the horrors of the Second Intifada.
And if it were possible, it would have become reality following the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza in 2005. Instead, it led to the election of Hamas, the total militarization of Gaza, and inevitably, the October 7 massacre.
Why have all attempts to solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict failed?
Because this is not a border dispute. It is about the place of an autonomous Jewish presence in the Middle East. The survival of a Jewish state or its complete destruction. And there is no middle ground between life and death.
The historian Benny Morris observed:
“The Jewish State had arisen at the heart of the Muslim Arab world – and that world could not abide it. Peace treaties were eventually signed by Egypt and Jordan, but the Arab world – the man in the street, the intellectual in his perch – refused to accept what had come to pass.”
Things have changed since Morris wrote those words. Four other Arab countries have made peace with Israel. Perhaps even among the man in the street and the intellectual in his perch, there has been some acceptance that Israel ain’t leaving.
But the Palestinian attitude has hardly changed since the emergence of Palestinian nationalism in the 1920s.
Why? Because the Egyptian, the Emirati, the Saudi might resent Israel as a thorn in the body of Islam, but they are not defined by their opposition to it. They can cease war with Israel and still remain who they are.
But Palestinian identity IS opposition to Israel. This is why the Palestinian flag is taken up by those with a fetish for Arab resistance and anti-Zionist ideology.
Palestinian nationalism is incapable of accepting a two-state solution that would extinguish their claims to the entirety of the land and permanently entrench a Jewish state in the heart of the Middle East. To do so, would not only destroy their dreams of a great return, it would destroy their very identities.
Western governments do not grasp this. Through a mixture of idealism and blindness, they think this can be overcome by ordinary diplomatic principles of pressure and incentives. It is a perfect delusion.
In all but destroying Hamas, Israel has removed the primary obstacle to the recognition of a Palestinian state.
And we can be sure that concurrently with their public statements on recognition, world leaders are pressuring, flattering and inducing Mahmoud Abbas into saying the words needed to overcome the final barrier to recognition of a Palestinian – a commitment to free elections, meaningful reform, and peaceful coexistence.
Once these things happens, or rather, once Abbas says they will happen, there is nothing to stop it.
What will this mean in practice?
What will happen to 700,000 Israelis who live in what will be deemed the sovereign territory of the Palestinian state? The Australian Government has shown its willingness to sanction individuals it considers infringing on Palestinian rights in the West Bank, to complicate the visa process for ordinary Israelis, and bar entry to individuals whose rhetoric it doesn’t like.
Will a student or academic of Hebrew University living just ten minutes from campus on the wrong side of the 1949 armistice line be prohibited from travelling abroad, engaging with colleagues in Australia? What about Jews who access the Western Wall and other parts of the old city of Jerusalem?
Most critically of all, what does Israel do? Does it read the writing on the wall, accept that it has emerged from the singular horror of October 7 with the greatest advantage over its collective enemies it has ever enjoyed? Does it use that advantage, act with tactical deft, pledge to negotiate final status issues like settlements, Jerusalem and borders in good faith and put the ball back in the Palestinians’ court?
Or does it rage and lash out at the West, and seek the diplomatic cover of a wholly unpredictable US administration.
Does it overplay its hand, submit to the demands of the most extreme elements of its coalition government who don’t care if Israel becomes an island cut off from the world, and punitively annexes parts of the West Bank and Gaza thinking this will show them, when it fact they would be doing exactly what the West expects them to do, walking right into the trap it has set.
Palestine recognition looms. What comes next?
Palestine recognition looms. What comes next?
Commentary from co-CEO Alex Ryvchin originally published in The Australian Financial Review on 6 August 2025.
The government is moving with unstoppable momentum towards recognising a Palestinian state without a negotiated end to the conflict with Israel.
It is longstanding bipartisan Australian policy, and the policy of the Executive Council of Australian Jewry, to support the notion of two states for two peoples.
The United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, constituted by the UN to recommend a formula to end the conflict, reported in 1947 that:
The theory expressed here cannot be faulted, which is why it has long been embraced. But a theory with no capacity to be implemented is worthless.
If it were otherwise, the two-state solution would have become a reality in 1948, when Israel, having built the institutions of a democratic state, declared independence pursuant to the UN’s partition plan. Instead, it was rejected by the Arab side and opposed through invasion and civil war.
If it were possible, it would have become a reality once Egypt broke the Arab consensus on permanent war with Israel and made peace in 1979.
Instead, it spawned a massive diplomatic and political campaign by the Palestinians, still with us today, to topple Israel through international isolation.
If it were possible, it would have happened during the Oslo Process, which established the Palestinian Authority, confined the conflict to five core issues and presented a roadmap to peace. Instead, this collapsed into the horrors of the Second Intifada.
And if it were possible, it would have become reality following the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza in 2005. Instead, it led to the election of Hamas, the total militarization of Gaza, and inevitably, the October 7 massacre.
Why have all attempts to solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict failed?
Because this is not a border dispute. It is about the place of an autonomous Jewish presence in the Middle East. The survival of a Jewish state or its complete destruction. And there is no middle ground between life and death.
The historian Benny Morris observed:
Things have changed since Morris wrote those words. Four other Arab countries have made peace with Israel. Perhaps even among the man in the street and the intellectual in his perch, there has been some acceptance that Israel ain’t leaving.
But the Palestinian attitude has hardly changed since the emergence of Palestinian nationalism in the 1920s.
Why? Because the Egyptian, the Emirati, the Saudi might resent Israel as a thorn in the body of Islam, but they are not defined by their opposition to it. They can cease war with Israel and still remain who they are.
But Palestinian identity IS opposition to Israel. This is why the Palestinian flag is taken up by those with a fetish for Arab resistance and anti-Zionist ideology.
Palestinian nationalism is incapable of accepting a two-state solution that would extinguish their claims to the entirety of the land and permanently entrench a Jewish state in the heart of the Middle East. To do so, would not only destroy their dreams of a great return, it would destroy their very identities.
Western governments do not grasp this. Through a mixture of idealism and blindness, they think this can be overcome by ordinary diplomatic principles of pressure and incentives. It is a perfect delusion.
In all but destroying Hamas, Israel has removed the primary obstacle to the recognition of a Palestinian state.
And we can be sure that concurrently with their public statements on recognition, world leaders are pressuring, flattering and inducing Mahmoud Abbas into saying the words needed to overcome the final barrier to recognition of a Palestinian – a commitment to free elections, meaningful reform, and peaceful coexistence.
Once these things happens, or rather, once Abbas says they will happen, there is nothing to stop it.
What will this mean in practice?
What will happen to 700,000 Israelis who live in what will be deemed the sovereign territory of the Palestinian state? The Australian Government has shown its willingness to sanction individuals it considers infringing on Palestinian rights in the West Bank, to complicate the visa process for ordinary Israelis, and bar entry to individuals whose rhetoric it doesn’t like.
Will a student or academic of Hebrew University living just ten minutes from campus on the wrong side of the 1949 armistice line be prohibited from travelling abroad, engaging with colleagues in Australia? What about Jews who access the Western Wall and other parts of the old city of Jerusalem?
Most critically of all, what does Israel do? Does it read the writing on the wall, accept that it has emerged from the singular horror of October 7 with the greatest advantage over its collective enemies it has ever enjoyed? Does it use that advantage, act with tactical deft, pledge to negotiate final status issues like settlements, Jerusalem and borders in good faith and put the ball back in the Palestinians’ court?
Or does it rage and lash out at the West, and seek the diplomatic cover of a wholly unpredictable US administration.
Does it overplay its hand, submit to the demands of the most extreme elements of its coalition government who don’t care if Israel becomes an island cut off from the world, and punitively annexes parts of the West Bank and Gaza thinking this will show them, when it fact they would be doing exactly what the West expects them to do, walking right into the trap it has set.
Latest
ECAJ condemns heinous terrorist attack in Manchester
ECAJ statement on the terrorist attack in Manchester.
US’s Gaza plan a display in the politics of power
Commentary from co-CEO Alex Ryvchin originally published in The Australian on 1 October 2025.
ECAJ dismayed at government’s recognition of the “State of Palestine”
ECAJ statement on the Australian government’s recognition of the “State of Palestine”.
Peter Wertheim interviewed on Israel, Gaza, and antisemitism
ECAJ co-CEO Peter Wertheim interviewed by Susie Elelman on 2GB/4BC.