Article by Sam Salcman OAM.
By any honest measure, the past year has been one of the most confronting periods for Jewish Australians in recent memory. Jews were massacred on Bondi Beach, and Jewish students have been harassed on campuses. Synagogues have required heightened security. Many Jews have felt, often for the first time in their lives here, that their place in Australia’s easy pluralism is less certain than it once seemed.
In this context, the recent intervention by Damien Freeman, published through the Centre for Independent Studies, is both timely and important. Freeman is right to insist on a truth that many have been reluctant to state plainly: for most Jews, Zionism is not an optional political add-on. It is a core part of Jewish identity. When Zionism is singled out as uniquely illegitimate, many Jews experience this not as abstract criticism of a foreign government, but as a denial of their own peoplehood.
Zionism, after all, is simply the belief that the Jewish people — like any other people — have the right to national self-determination in their historic homeland. It emerged not from imperial ambition, but from centuries of exclusion, persecution and statelessness. For Australian Jews, most of whom are the descendants of refugees, this history is not theoretical. It is a family memory.
Freeman deserves credit for challenging the comforting fiction that hostility to Zionism exists in a neat compartment, entirely separate from hostility to Jews. In practice, the line is often far less clear. When Jewish students are interrogated about their views on Israel before being admitted to social spaces, or when Jewish community institutions are treated as proxies for a foreign government, something more than ordinary political disagreement is taking place.
And yet, if Freeman is right about the seriousness of the problem, the Jewish community and its allies must also be careful about how they make the argument.
The defence of Zionism in Australia cannot afford to become a partisan project.
For more than a century, Jewish life in this country has flourished not because Jews aligned themselves with one political faction, but because Australia itself maintained a broadly shared commitment to liberal democracy, minority rights and mutual respect. Support for Israel and acceptance of Jewish identity have historically existed across the political spectrum. That bipartisan foundation has been one of the great strengths of Australian Jewish life.
It would be a profound mistake to weaken it now.
Zionism is not a conservative idea. Nor is it a progressive one. It is a national idea. It is the expression of a people’s right to exist collectively in safety and dignity. To frame it primarily as a weapon in Australia’s internal ideological debates risks misunderstanding its nature and undermining its legitimacy.
There is also a deeper strategic reality. Jewish safety in Australia has never depended solely on law enforcement or institutional rules. It has depended on something more intangible but equally vital: the goodwill of neighbours, colleagues and fellow citizens. It has depended on the quiet, daily reinforcement of the idea that Jews belong here — not as outsiders, not as interlopers, but as fellow Australians.
That goodwill cannot be commanded. It must be maintained.
This does not mean remaining silent in the face of antisemitism. On the contrary, antisemitism must always be confronted clearly and firmly. But it does mean avoiding the temptation to frame Jewish belonging as contingent on political victory over ideological opponents.
Australia’s success as a multicultural democracy has rested on a simple principle: that people of different backgrounds and beliefs can disagree passionately while still recognising one another’s equal legitimacy.
That principle must apply to Jews as well.
Zionism does not need special pleading. It needs a fair understanding. It needs Australians to recognise it for what it is: the national movement of a small people who learned, through bitter experience, the cost of statelessness and powerlessness.
Freeman has helped reopen an important conversation. But the ultimate goal must not be to win an argument. It must be to preserve something far more precious: an Australia in which Jews — and all minorities — can live openly, confidently and without fear.
That is not only a Jewish interest.
It is an Australian one.
Zionism does not need special pleading, it needs a fair understanding
Zionism does not need special pleading, it needs a fair understanding
Article by Sam Salcman OAM.
By any honest measure, the past year has been one of the most confronting periods for Jewish Australians in recent memory. Jews were massacred on Bondi Beach, and Jewish students have been harassed on campuses. Synagogues have required heightened security. Many Jews have felt, often for the first time in their lives here, that their place in Australia’s easy pluralism is less certain than it once seemed.
In this context, the recent intervention by Damien Freeman, published through the Centre for Independent Studies, is both timely and important. Freeman is right to insist on a truth that many have been reluctant to state plainly: for most Jews, Zionism is not an optional political add-on. It is a core part of Jewish identity. When Zionism is singled out as uniquely illegitimate, many Jews experience this not as abstract criticism of a foreign government, but as a denial of their own peoplehood.
Zionism, after all, is simply the belief that the Jewish people — like any other people — have the right to national self-determination in their historic homeland. It emerged not from imperial ambition, but from centuries of exclusion, persecution and statelessness. For Australian Jews, most of whom are the descendants of refugees, this history is not theoretical. It is a family memory.
Freeman deserves credit for challenging the comforting fiction that hostility to Zionism exists in a neat compartment, entirely separate from hostility to Jews. In practice, the line is often far less clear. When Jewish students are interrogated about their views on Israel before being admitted to social spaces, or when Jewish community institutions are treated as proxies for a foreign government, something more than ordinary political disagreement is taking place.
And yet, if Freeman is right about the seriousness of the problem, the Jewish community and its allies must also be careful about how they make the argument.
The defence of Zionism in Australia cannot afford to become a partisan project.
For more than a century, Jewish life in this country has flourished not because Jews aligned themselves with one political faction, but because Australia itself maintained a broadly shared commitment to liberal democracy, minority rights and mutual respect. Support for Israel and acceptance of Jewish identity have historically existed across the political spectrum. That bipartisan foundation has been one of the great strengths of Australian Jewish life.
It would be a profound mistake to weaken it now.
Zionism is not a conservative idea. Nor is it a progressive one. It is a national idea. It is the expression of a people’s right to exist collectively in safety and dignity. To frame it primarily as a weapon in Australia’s internal ideological debates risks misunderstanding its nature and undermining its legitimacy.
There is also a deeper strategic reality. Jewish safety in Australia has never depended solely on law enforcement or institutional rules. It has depended on something more intangible but equally vital: the goodwill of neighbours, colleagues and fellow citizens. It has depended on the quiet, daily reinforcement of the idea that Jews belong here — not as outsiders, not as interlopers, but as fellow Australians.
That goodwill cannot be commanded. It must be maintained.
This does not mean remaining silent in the face of antisemitism. On the contrary, antisemitism must always be confronted clearly and firmly. But it does mean avoiding the temptation to frame Jewish belonging as contingent on political victory over ideological opponents.
Australia’s success as a multicultural democracy has rested on a simple principle: that people of different backgrounds and beliefs can disagree passionately while still recognising one another’s equal legitimacy.
That principle must apply to Jews as well.
Zionism does not need special pleading. It needs a fair understanding. It needs Australians to recognise it for what it is: the national movement of a small people who learned, through bitter experience, the cost of statelessness and powerlessness.
Freeman has helped reopen an important conversation. But the ultimate goal must not be to win an argument. It must be to preserve something far more precious: an Australia in which Jews — and all minorities — can live openly, confidently and without fear.
That is not only a Jewish interest.
It is an Australian one.
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